Assisted Living: Paying the Price
By Amy Goldstein
Washington Post Staff Writer
Tuesday, February 20, 2001; Page A01
Second of two articles
Before choosing to place his mother in an assisted-living facility, Keith
Stauffer asked the marketing director a delicate financial question. At 87,
Helen Stauffer had a failing mind, a strong body and nearly $100,000 in the
bank.
What would happen if she outlasted her savings?
"I was told, 'When her money runs out, no problem,' " recalls
Keith Stauffer, a retired Secret Service agent. The Arlington facility, Sunrise
at Bluemont Park, would seek a small family contribution each month and accept
Medicaid payments for the rest.
"That was the end of it," he remembers thinking, as he toured the
ivory-colored building with Victorian turrets on a hillside above Wilson
Boulevard. "She'd die in that place. Everything would be fine."
Everything, however, didn't prove so simple.
Helen Stauffer turned 91 last September. The stay at Sunrise drained her
bank accounts and left her son with more than $20,000 in unpaid bills. The
company, it turned out, does not take Medicaid subsidies from the government.
As for the marketing director, he left shortly after Stauffer arrived.
The Stauffers' predicament is symptomatic of a pattern of financial
practices in the assisted-living industry that confuse -- and sometimes mislead
-- consumers. Some companies promise more than they deliver as part of their
basic fees, while others use contracts that obscure the true cost of care. Many
facilities assess extra fees if residents need help remembering their medicine
or taking baths -- charges that are legal but often unexpected.
"You have this disclosure problem," says Clifford Hewitt, a senior
health services analyst at Legg Mason Inc., the Baltimore-based investment
firm. "People are putting down money and being told, 'We will provide
these services.' They really don't know what services. It's vague."
As a result, prices in assisted living -- already high -- can be far greater
than residents and their families realize up front.
Although the industry has emerged at a time of unprecedented wealth among
elderly Americans, its cost affects more than those who simply cannot afford
this popular new kind of care. An unknown number of people enter an
assisted-living facility believing it will be their final home, but are forced
to leave because of unforeseen price increases or -- as in Helen Stauffer's
case -- when their savings run out.
Advocates for the elderly, researchers and some industry analysts say that
the financial roadblocks that daunt consumers are the product of an industryin
which prices are unregulatedand key players are eager for rapid profits.
Industry representatives counter that consumers often decide on a facility
in a hurry when an elderly relative's health declines, without examining what
they are buying and what it may cost. For example, any assurances that may have
been made to the Stauffers are nowhere in their contract, Sunrise officials
say.
Besides, industry officials say, assisted-living communities are so varied
-- housing 500,000 to 1 million people today -- that different places offer
care at different prices. Consumers have "a wide range of choices, from
the Rolls-Royce to the Ford," says Karen A. Wayne, president of the
Assisted Living Federation of America, the industry's main trade group.
The average price of assisted living in the United States is about $2,000 a
month, but many facilities charge twice that or more, particularly if they
cater to people with dementia, Parkinson's disease or other severe health
problems. At such prices, it was assumed until recently that assisted-living
communities were attracting a largely well-heeled clientele.
Fresh evidence paints a more worrisome picture. Many people "can't
afford the facilities they're in," says Catherine Hawes, a leading
researcher into assisted living who teaches at Texas A&M University.
Fully two-thirds of residents have incomes that are too low to cover the
typical cost of a year's stay without eroding their savings, according to an
analysis by Margaret Wylde, president of the ProMatura Group, an Oxford, Miss.,
research firm for businesses that serve the elderly.
Nursing home patients often exhaust their savings, too. The difference is
that Medicaid, the public insurance program for the poor and disabled, offers
people in nursing homes an automatic safety net that is available only rarely
to assisted-living residents.
To attract customers with limited means, some assisted-living facilities
offer new residents discounted rates that prove to be temporary.
Richard Keller received such a discount when he moved into Alterra Sterling
House of Ponca City, Okla. A disabled World War II veteran with a back injury
and a history of psychiatric problems, he had virtually no savings and an
income of about $1,400 a month. Alterra offered a reduced price of $1,000,
about two-thirds the facility's basic fee at the time.
"They were eager to have him," recalls Keller's daughter, Lisa
Lewis. When he arrived in January 1998, the facility -- like many around the
country -- had empty beds to fill. Besides, as a hospice counselor, Lewis knew
elderly people throughout town. "I think they thought I might do some
referring," she said.
Alterra chose Keller and his daughter to be photographed for a story in the
local newspaper. He was crowned king of the facility's Valentine's Day
festival.
Eighteen months after he had moved in, Lewis was informed that her father's
fees were going up to $1,700 a month. The price of his room, Alterra officials
said, must return to its market rate. And workers had determined her father
needed $300 per month worth of services that were not covered by the basic fee.
"I just thought, 'You've got to be kidding,' " Lewis remembers.
"They had known all along he did not have that kind of money."
She protested for months, until the November day she received a registered
letter from Alterra saying that her father was being discharged. Depressed at
leaving his accustomed surroundings, Keller, 76, moved in with Lewis and her
family. Within a month, he suffered a heart attack and died.
"In less than two years' time," his daughter says, "he went
from being the Valentine king to being thrown out."
Senior company officials, unfamiliar with Lewis's specific complaint, say
that customers have little reason to be surprised by price increases. Paul
Pebley, senior vice president for sales and marketing, says the company's
contract allows Alterra officials to increase the basic fee with 30 or 60 days'
notice and to raise residents' surcharges with five days' notice, if their need
for care escalates. Those provisions, he says, are found on the eighth page of
a 12-page contract.
The provisions were in Keller's contract, too. His daughter says she and her
husband were told at the beginning that any increases in fees would be small
and affordable.
Pebley disputes the suggestion that Alterra charged the Lewises unfairly. He
says prices have gone up by 6 percent a year for the last few years, a rate
that has not kept pace with the company's expenses and that will force larger
price increases in the coming year. "We believe that we are
undercharging," he says.
Whether evictions such as Keller's are common is unclear. In the only
national study of former assisted-living residents, fewer than 1 in 10 people
reported leaving because they had run out of money, according to the survey by
Hawes for the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. On the other hand,
according to Hawes's findings, nearly one-third of assisted-living residents have
discovered they need to pay more than they had expected.
A chief reason that costs cannot always be foreseen was suggested by a 1999
study of assisted living by the General Accounting Office, Congress's
investigative arm. Only one facility in four gives prospective customers a copy
of its contract before they decide to move in, according to the analysis of
facilities in four states -- the only federal examination of the industry's
marketing practices.
Once new residents are given contracts, the documents can be "vague or
really complicated," says Stephanie Edelstein, who has studied assisted
living as an attorney for the American Bar Association's Commission on Legal
Problems of the Elderly.
For example, a contract might say that a facility provides meals without
spelling out that the basic rate includes two meals a day, leaving residents to
pay extra for a third meal and snacks.
Similarly, the AARP found in a recent survey of dozens of facilities in
eight states that marketing brochures frequently promise more services than the
contracts guarantee. The brochures handed out by one Virginia facility in the
survey said that laundry was provided, while the contract said it would be
washed for a charge of $62 per month.
While companies deny that their marketing practices are unfair, some have
started to retreat on one of the central aspects of their sales pitch -- that
residents never will need to live anywhere else. Alterra has replaced the motto
"aging in place" with a different one: "aging with choice."
Pebley, the Alterra vice president, says the company hoped to clarify a
misunderstanding. The idea of aging in place always had been a goal, not an
ironclad guarantee, "but the public said, 'Hey, that's a promise that's not
being filled,' " he says.
Mindful of such criticisms, Wayne, of the Assisted Living Federation of
America, says the trade group has in recent months begun offering a voluntary
certification program for sales and marketing staff, emphasizing the importance
of disclosing the services and the price.
"We are very much a promoter of fully disclosing what is unique about
your home, what it costs," Wayne says. Judging by consumer complaints
about marketing and billing practices, she says, "I am certain . . . there
is validity to them."
Sue Lungren's mother had such a complaint. Her mother, 91, was being billed
$3,900 a month to live at an Alterra facilityoutside Minneapolis that
specializes in care for people with dementia. Lungren was leaving from a visit
one afternoon in October 1999 when the manager stopped her in the hallway and
said her mother's fee would go up $514 a month.
"I was so shocked, I couldn't believe it," Lungren says. She
demanded a meeting with the manager and head nurse, who produced an itemized
list of extra charges. There was a fee for her mother's laundry -- though
Lungren took it home to do every week.
They also said workers needed to spend extra time repeating directions to
her mother because she was hard of hearing. Lungren argued that her mother
never had been given a hearing test and that workers commonly must repeat
instructions to people who have dementia, hearing-impaired or not.
Lungren, like Keith Stauffer, had inquired carefully about the financial
arrangements before deciding where her mother would live. "I asked, would
there be any additional charges? I was told, 'No.' "
At first, she refused to pay the new price. But she was content with her
mother's care and reluctant to move her. Eventually, she relented when Alterra
lowered the additional charges to $214 a month.
Fluctuating Charges
Flexible prices, leaders of the assisted-living industry say, are inherent
in the type of care they offer. Unlike the institutional world of nursing
homes, they say, assisted living istailored to each person, supplying exactly
as much help as he or she needs.
Before moving in, new residents discuss the services they will require --
bathing, dressing and reminders to take medicine, for example. Periodically,
they are reevaluated to determine whether they need more help or less. Charges,
in other words, can be expected to fluctuate.
Advocates for the elderly and some researchers contend this approach can go
too far. Companies "are increasingly unbundling their deals, charging for
15-minute increments of personal care services, including walking you to the
dining hall," says Donna Yee, a former Brandeis University professor who
is research director of the National Asian Pacific Center on Aging.
If companies are eager to eke out extra fees, to fill their empty beds, they
have ample reason.
For one thing, their growth has been so sudden that analysts believe the
industry hasoverbuilt. This is especially true of the most upscale facilities
in the suburbs of cities such as Atlanta, Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles and
Pittsburgh, as well as Washington.
As a result, the industry's main competition no longer is nursing homes.
Today, according to surveys by the National Investment Center for Senior
Housing, the typical assisted-living community competes with eight similar
facilities nearby.
Over time, as the nation's elderly population continues to swell, the empty
rooms may well be occupied. But the current vacancies have exerted enormous
pressure on the owners of assisted-living companies.
They also have disenchanted Wall Street investors who spurred much of the
building boom. It was merely five years ago that the first assisted-living
company publicly offered its stock. Quickly, the number of publicly traded
companies rose to 15.
"Wall Street loved it," recalls Steve Monroe, a partner at Irving
Levin Associates Inc., a Connecticut-based research firm that tracks the health
care and senior housing industries. "This was all private pay -- no
government telling you what you could charge. In very few states were there any
restrictions on what could be built. They built, and they built, and they
built."
But as quickly as it began, the romance with investors soured, leaving
several of the industry's leaders whipsawed.
"I didn't expect Wall Street to get so enamored so quickly and so
unenamored so quickly. I thought we would have had longer to work on
maturing," says Keren Brown Wilson, one of the founders of the
assisted-living philosophy in the United States.
Wilson stepped down a few months ago as chief executive of an Oregon-based
company, Assisted Living Concepts. Hers was one of several firms whose stock
prices tumbled to nearly nothing.
Stock in Alterra, the nation's largest assisted-living provider, fell from
about $35 per share to $1.30 over the past two years. Emeritus Corp., another
major firm, is trading at about $1.50. Two companies -- Grand Court Lifestyles
Inc. and CareMatrix Corp. -- filed for bankruptcy during the last year. Others
have abruptly abandoned plans for more buildings.
These reversals in fortune have direct human consequences, according to
those who follow the industry. Hawes, the researcher, believes that companies
struggling to maintain their profits have two choices. They can cut expenses,
such as salaries, food, recreational activities and transportation. Or they can
admit and keep more elderly people -- even if they are too sick to be cared for
adequately or cannot afford to be there.
Taken together, Hawes says, these choices "will eventually lead to
disaster."
Hidden Costs
As Keith Stauffer and his wife, Stefanie, see it, the trouble with Sunrise
began the day his mother arrived.
They'd already been discouraged by his mother's experience with another
assisted-living facility in her native Salt Lake City. That facility had
changed owners, and the new administrators said the only way to provide her
with enough care was to move her to abuilding across town. If she had to move,
the Stauffers reasoned, it made sense to bring her to Arlington, near them.
They visited every facility in the area. They created spreadsheets to weigh
the features and the costs. All were expensive, and comparing prices was
difficult. Each sold different "bundles" of services. In the end,they
chose Sunrise at Bluemont, because it wasn't a high-rise building, and it was
less than 10 minutes from their home.
On moving day, however, a Sunrise administrator startled them by asking for
a $4,000 maintenance fee up front. They objected. No one, Keith Stauffer
insisted, had ever mentioned a move-in fee. Then they looked at his mother's
furniture piled into a rental truck and agreed to pay.
The fees, they knew, would be steep -- $2,400 a month was the basic price
for her apartment and meals. Exactly how steep, it turned out, they hadn't
realized.
The basic rate covered two meals a day; the third cost an extra $204 a
month. The "extended care plan" cost $387 a month, but it excluded a
$184 monthly fee for workers to remind his mother to take her medicines and
another $186 for assistance with her incontinence.
Together with price increases since then, Helen Stauffer's monthly bill
eventuallyamounted to $3,877. Keith Stauffer says that, despite all his
comparison-shopping, despite his careful reading of the contract, he had no way
of knowing ahead of time exactly how much his mother's stay at Sunrise would
cost. That's because workers would not evaluate her to determine the extra
services she required until she agreed to move in.
Finally, with the savings gone and the debts mounting, Keith Stauffer took
his mother to dinner one night last month and -- without telling her ahead of
time -- never brought her back. He moved her into Sleepy Hollow Manor, an
Annandale nursing home that accepts Medicaid payments. The idea of a nursing home
had alwaysterrified his mother, and she keeps asking him to return her to
Sunrise.
Her son feels guilty, but stuck. "It just kills me," he says.
Mathew Peponis, Sunrise at Bluemont's executive director, says the company
is not at fault.
"We go to great lengths to avoid discharging someone because they
cannot afford to pay any more," he says.
Peponis does not deny that the Stauffers may have been promised Medicaid and
a discount, but he was not there at the time and says he has no record of any
special arrangement in her file.
He says he confers periodically with residents' families about their
finances. In Helen Stauffer's case, he says, he offered more than a year ago --
when her savings were dwindling but not gone -- to move her to one of two beds
the facility sets aside for people who may become eligible for a small program
of assisted-living subsidies run by the state of Virginia.
In the short term, the bed would have cost more, but it would have been free
once her savings were depleted, if she qualified for the state grant.
Keith and Stefanie Stauffer recall Peponis showing them other rooms in parts
of the 175-bed facility that provided higher levels of care, but rejected them
because they were more expensive. They say the executive director never raised
the possibility of state aid.
"We would have jumped at that opportunity," Keith Stauffer says.
"I would have loved to have one of those state beds, but . . . [it] was
never mentioned. Period."
In any case, Peponis says, neither bed was available when Helen Stauffer's
money ran out.
A few months ago, Keith Stauffer faxed the facility a letter. The marketing
director he first met, he reminded the current manager, had promised that
Sunrise would help when his mother exhausted her savings, allowing her to remain
in exchange for the affordable family contribution.
"It is time for me to ask for that consideration," he wrote.
He's still awaiting a response.
© 2001 The Washington
Post Company